The structure of power and authority in the community is likely to ensure the success of the Creole system in the event of any direct confrontation (the presence of the imperial power must be noted in this context). In any case a breakdown of the Creole system as the result of such an uncreative confrontation is likely to lead to the disintegration of the society as a viable whole.

In relation to the two problems the U.F. stands out quite clearly. The U.F. are primarily those elements that could not accommodate themselves to the promise of ‘revolutionary’ change in the structure of the creole system that still exists in the P.N.C. A coalition of the P.N.C. and the U.F. is certain to mean a watering down of the ‘revolutionary’ content in the PNC. In addition exclu­ding the wide support of the Indians it is certain to fail in any attempt at a genuine solution to problem (1). Thus this type of coalition in office is the worst promise that exists for the future of Guiana.

A coalition of the P.N.C. and P.P.P. in office can ensure the solution of problem (1). It is however likely to have paradoxical effects. Within the P.P.P. those elements that accept the need for commitment to a common set of Guyanese values are likely to be strengthened. Whilst within the P.N.C. those elements that would resist a serious solution to problem (ii) will be strengthened. This is the ultimate price of coalition. This is why it is inevitably medium-term. It leads to a solution of problem (i) and then the coalition is likely to be faced with the dilemma of what to do next or alternatively, how to approach problem (11). There can be no agreed programme between these two parties that will go beyond successful integration (creolization).

The P.P.P. can consider a simultaneous solution because it comprises two important elements within its broad ranks. One element is those members of the community (negroes and coloureds) that have been reared in the creole structure and who find it an inadequate basis for organizing Guyanese society. In other words those members who have realized that the system is a limitation on individual and collective attainment. It also includes those elements among the Indians who would basically accept creolization and seek primarily to establish some genuine areas of integration. The P.N.C. also contains these elements but to a lesser degree.

Looking at the problem of contemporary politics from this standpoint is not to suggest that this is the only valid viewpoint or that this viewpoint can stand on its own as an independent explanation. It is an alternative approach in that it is complementary to all the approaches attempted. It adds one more dimension to the way we view the problem. It is secular in the sense that it views the evolution of Guyanese society over a wide spectrum and tries to assess the trend from this. It also covers the evolution of the society with a bias towards cultural evolution. This must necessarily be added to other developments, particularly economic development.

In this very broad sense the approach suggested is to view the problem as one of evolving a creole structure struck deep in our roots by history and slavery; as one of integrating those ethnic groups that have cultural peculiarities distinct from creole ones and, finally, as one of bringing about a revolutionary change in the creole structure we have inherited. Apart from brief references to a few contemporary political problems it is patently obvious that we have not yet begun to explore the possibilities of this approach. This will be attempted later.

The continuing excitement I felt in preparing this article is proof of the stimulating nature of Dr. Smith’s book on British Guiana.

* A review article on the book ‘British Guaina’ by R. T. Smith published by the Oxford University Press under the auspices of the Royal Institute of International Affairs 1962.

[1] Quotation from the Preface.

[2] My italics.

* “Negro Family in British Guiana”, by R. T. Smith.

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