Discussion of marriage and family is followed by a discussion of social integration in the Guianese multi-racial society. This brings the chapter on social structure to an end. It is Dr. Smith’s view that the forces making for a commitment to a common set of values that are Guianese is fairly well advanced. He is very optimistic about the stage of cohesion in Guianese society. It is certain, he feels, that the factors making for cultural cohesion are stronger than those making for cultural pluralism. It is absolutely necessary that when we make such propositions we are clear on what basis they are being advanced. The fact that any society exists is in itself clear proof that the forces of integration are stronger than those of disintegration. To generalise this into a projection of the continuing viability of the society would be wrong.

The forces making for integration and/or disintegration are of continuing importance. An assessment of such dynamic relationships cannot be attempted in terms of a static appraisal of the society. At any one moment of time the society may be existing in a workable form but this does not mean it will continue to do so over a reasonable period of time into the future. Accepting the fact that currently the forces of integration outweigh the forces of disintegration in Guianese society, can we justifiably claim that the internal balance of these forces and their balance in terms of each other are such as to ensure the continuing viability of the system? This question cannot be answered without a close look at the problem of political integration. Nevertheless, if I were to attempt a brief answer it would have to be yes, with the rider that this is so because the dominance of creole values are likely to spread rather than a genuine fusion of the differing cultures taking place.

It remains for me to critically review Dr. Smith’s analysis of Government and politics in British Guiana. So much of what I would like to say has already been admirably covered in the paper by some New World associates that I shall attempt my review by way of suggesting quite briefly an alternative perspective for reviewing the problem of contemporary politics in Guiana. The perspective is largely given in ‘cultural’ terms. The content of culture to be sure is largely economic. Therefore, it is not an attempt to ignore the basic economic factors giving rise to the various parties, their attitudes and relationships to each other and the rest of Guianese society.

There are two basic problems facing Guianese society.

  • The integration of the various cultural groups in the community and this has to take place largely by creolization.
  • The need for a revolutionary change in the structure and values of the creole system itself.

These problems can be solved in two ways.

(a) a  simultaneous solution may be attempted or

(b) the first problem must be solved and then the second. Limiting the solutions to two implies that (i) is a necessary condition for (ii). This is quite obvious. To revolutionize a creole society it is first of all necessary to have one. This scheme does not deny that integration and change within the creole system are not continually taking place. It is because changes are taking place that tension is so evident. What it does suggest is that without concerted community action the problems cannot solve themselves.

In relation to these problems the P.N.C. stands for solving (i) and then possibly (ii). The P.P.P. stands for the simultaneous solution of both. This factor explains why despite all the justified reservations about the left-wing content of the P.P.P., the economic basis of its support, etc., it remains to the left of all other political groups.

When seen from this standpoint 1953 is important not only because of the coalition that the P.P.P. in fact represented then but also because of what was left out of the 1953 coalition were those elements that would have solved problem (i) by way of extensive creolization and would have refused to consider (ii) as a problem. Not unnaturally, the most vocal elements outside the P.P.P. coalition (1953) were those who favoured the existing creole system by reason of their ascribed status within this system. This group was dominated by the upper urban coloured middle classes.

Both parties are at present coalitions. Important in relation to the two problem is the fact that both parties carry elements that would seek the solution of problem (1) by way of conflict. These elements are those who would assert an inherent right for their cultural viewpoint to be dominant at the expense of other cultural elements. In the P.P.P. they are those Indians who feel that by weight of numbers and economic importance they can establish the primacy of their culture. In the PNC they are the most extreme members of those left out of the 1953 coalition that subsequently joined that party. Whilst numerically unimportant the real fear is that these elements are the greatest threat to the existing leadership because his leadership has failed to clearly articulate their group position and interests in a national context. When a leadership fails to articulate its cultural aims quite clearly, in a heterogeneous grouping, those with clear aims are the greatest potential threat to that leadership.

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